THE LATIN VULGATE (Vulgata Latina) Textual Symbol vg

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Edward D. Andrews
EDWARD D. ANDREWS (AS in Criminal Justice, BS in Religion, MA in Biblical Studies, and MDiv in Theology) is CEO and President of Christian Publishing House. He has authored ninety-two books. Andrews is the Chief Translator of the Updated American Standard Version (UASV).

The Latin Vulgate

The Latin Vulgate (Vulgata Latina) is a version of the entire Bible by one of the foremost Biblical scholars of all time, Jerome ([c.346–420 C.E.] Latin: Eusebius Hieronymus). Jerome was a Roman Christian priest, confessor, theologian, and historian, who became a Doctor of the Church. He was the son of Eusebius, of the city of Stridon, which was on the border of Dalmatia and Pannonia. His parents were prosperous, and he felt the benefits of money at an early age, receiving an education in Rome under the well-known grammarian Donatus. Jerome demonstrated himself to be an exceptional student of grammar, rhetoric, and philosophy. Throughout this period, he also studied Greek. He is most famously known for his translation of the Bible from the original languages of Hebrew (OT) and Greek (NT) into Latin (the Vulgate), and his list of works is extensive.

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RELATED ARTICLESJerome: The Forerunner in Bible TranslationThe Latin Versions

Jerome was born at Stridon about 346 C.E. He was not baptized until about 366 C.E, and shortly thereafter he and his friend Bonosus headed for Rome. However, they became wanderers for a time, and then finally found themselves in Aquileia, Italy, where Jerome was introduced to the idea of asceticism.  He became attracted to this extreme way of life, so he and a group of his friends spent a number of years cultivating it.

In 373 C.E., some unnamed trouble contributed to the group’s going their separate ways. Discouraged, Jerome traveled without a purpose and without a known destination eastward across Bithynia, Galatia, and Cilicia, and eventually came to Antioch, Syria.

Even though he was only in his late 20’s at this point, Jerome’s health was damaged by fever, and he grew very ill during his journeys.  “Oh, if only the Lord Jesus Christ would suddenly transport me to you,” he said, writing to a friend, Rufinus. “My poor body, weak even when well, has been shattered by frequent illnesses.”

APOSTOLIC FATHERS Lightfoot APOSTOLIC FATHERS

Jerome had already coped with sickness, seclusion, and inner turmoil; he was now thrust into a spiritual crisis. In a dream,

Suddenly I was caught up in the spirit and dragged before the judgment seat of the Judge; and here the light was so bright, and those who stood around were so radiant, that I cast myself upon the ground and did not dare to look up. Asked who and what I was I replied ‘I am a Christian.’ But He who presided said: ‘Thou liest; thou art a follower of Cicero and not of Christ. For where thy treasure is there will thy heart be also.’ Instantly I became dumb, and amid the strokes of the lash—for He had ordered me to be scourged—I was tortured more severely still by the fire of conscience, considering with myself that verse ‘In the grave, who shall give thee thanks?’ Yet for all that I began to cry and to bewail myself saying: ‘Have mercy upon me, O Lord; have mercy upon me.’ Amid the sound of the scourges this cry still made itself heard. At last the bystanders, falling down before the knees of Him who presided, prayed that He would have pity on my youth, and that He would give me space to repent of my error. He might still, they urged, inflict torture upon me, should I ever again read the works of the Gentiles. Under the stress of that awful moment I should have been ready to make even still larger promises than these. Accordingly I made oath and called upon His name, saying ‘Lord, if ever again I possess worldly books, or if ever again I read such, I have denied thee.’ On taking this oath, I was dismissed, and returned to the upper world.[1]

Sometime later he would sidestep his pledge that he had made in the dream, and said that he should not be held answerable for a solemn promise made in a dream. However, Jerome felt somewhat obligated to his vow, so he left Antioch and searched for solitude in Chalcis in the Syrian Desert. Living as a recluse, he submerged himself in the study of the Bible and theological literature. Jerome said, “I read the books of God with zeal greater than I had previously given to the books of men.”[2] He likewise learned the local Syriac tongue, and started studying Hebrew with the help of a Jew who had become a Christian.

After about five years of living an ascetic life, Jerome returned to Antioch in 378 or 379 C.E. His return to civilization was met with disappointment as the church was profoundly divided. While he had still been in the desert, Jerome had written to the Pope, saying, “The church is rent into three factions, and each of these is eager to seize me for its own.”[3]

9781949586121 BIBLE DIFFICULTIES THE NEW TESTAMENT DOCUMENTS

Jerome eventually decided that he would take the side of Bishop Paulinus, one of three men who claimed that title of Antioch. Jerome unwillingly accepted his being ordained and demanded (1) that he was not to be held back from continuing his ascetic life, and (2) that he would remain freed from any priestly duties to minister to a specific church.

Jerome went with Paulinus to the Council of Constantinople and afterward continued with him to Rome in 381 C.E. Pope Damasus soon appreciated Jerome’s learning and linguistic expertise. Within a year, Jerome was raised to the important position of personal secretary to Damasus.

Once in the position of personal secretary, Jerome seemed to attract controversy at every turn. For example, even though he lived in a luxurious papal court, he continued his ascetic lifestyle. This was not only frowned upon, but he even went a step further and spoke out against the excessive lifestyle of the worldly clergy, creating numerous enemies.

Regardless of those who despised him, Jerome had the complete backing of Pope Damasus. Of course, the pope had very good reasons for seeing that Jerome continued in his Bible research. The Latin Bible version was in numerous forms, as many of them had been carelessly translated, filled with errors. Another problem that Damasus faced was the division of his church, the East and the West. Few in the Eastern portion of the church knew Latin, and fewer still in the Western portion knew Greek.

Therefore, it was Pope Damasus’ intention to have Jerome create a standard Latin text of the Gospels. Damasus desired a translation that would be a mirror image of the original language Greek texts, yet at the same time be moving, stirring, and powerful, as well as clear in the Latin. Jerome and only a handful of other scholar were up to such a task. He was fluent in Greek, Latin, and Syriac, and possessed a fundamental knowledge of Hebrew, making him well-suited for the job. Therefore, Jerome was commissioned to a project by Damasus that would not be completed for the next 20 years of his life.

4th ed. MISREPRESENTING JESUS The Complete Guide to Bible Translation-2

Jerome became a translator with a mission, and it was evident from the speed with which he was accomplishing his task. Jerome exhibited a clear technique that would be used by translators and textual scholars over a millennium later. One of the leading textual scholars of the 20th century, the late Bruce M. Metzger, had this to say about Jerome’s method:

Within a year or so Jerome was able to present Damasus with the first-fruits of his work, a revision of the text of the four Gospels, where the variations had been extreme. In a covering letter, he explained the principles which he followed: he used a relatively good Latin text as the basis for his revision and compared it with some old Greek manuscripts. He emphasized that he treated the current Latin text [of his day] as conservatively as possible, and changed it only where the meaning was distorted. Though we do not have the Latin manuscripts which Jerome chose as the basis of his work, it appears that they belonged to the European form of the Old Latin (perhaps they were similar to manuscript b). The Greek manuscripts apparently belonged to the Alexandrian type of text.[4]

Initially, Jerome’s Latin translation was well received. However, critics came out of the woodwork to complain about the supposed liberties that he took in making his translation, as he himself testifies:

After I had written my former letter, containing a few remarks on some Hebrew words, a report suddenly reached me that certain contemptible creatures were deliberately assailing me with the charge that I had endeavored to correct passages in the gospels, against the authority of the ancients and the opinion of the whole world.[5]

These complaints only grew in intensity after the death of Pope Damasus in 384 C.E. The new pope and Jerome did not have a working relationship like the one he had shared with Damasus, so he made the decision to leave Rome. Once again, Jerome was wandering toward the east.

In 386 C.E., Jerome had found his way to Bethlehem, where he would spend the rest of his life. He was traveling with a few of those who had remained loyal to him, as well as Paula, a prosperous woman of nobility from Rome. Paula had grown accustomed to the plain and simple way of life without luxury, because of Jerome’s influence. However, here in Bethlehem her wealth was used to establish a monastery under the direction of Jerome. It would be here that he would take his scholarly pursuits to an entirely new level, completing the ultimate work of his life.

Jerome’s understanding of Hebrew was only functional, so this new life in Bethlehem was going to offer him the opportunity of becoming an extraordinary Hebrew scholar. Paula was able to help him afford several different Jewish tutors, who helped him fully grasp a number of the most difficult characteristics of the language. Concerning one teacher, Jerome said,

What trouble and expense it cost me to get Baraninas to teach me under cover of night! For by his fear of the Jews he presented to me in his own person a second edition of Nicodemus.[6]

The Jews of Jerome’s day were not very receptive to Gentiles, due to the Gentile’s failure to pronounce the guttural sounds properly. This did not dissuade Jerome, though, as he simply put more effort into his studies, and was eventually able to master these sounds. In addition, Jerome transliterated numerous Hebrew words into Latin.[7] This method not only assisted him in remembering the words but also preserved the Hebrew pronunciation of that time.

Mosaic Authorship HOW RELIABLE ARE THE GOSPELS

We are not sure how much of the Bible Damasus wanted Jerome to translate. However, we are well aware of how much Jerome intended to accomplish. Jerome was very attentive and resolute and was determined to make available a revised Latin translation of the entire Bible.

Therefore, I beseech you, Paula and Eustochium, to pour out your supplications for me to the Lord, that so long as I am in this poor body, I may write something pleasing to you, useful to the Church, worthy of posterity. As for my contemporaries, I am indifferent to their opinions, for they pass from side to side as they are moved by love or hatred.[8]

The basis for the Old Testament was the Greek Septuagint (LXX).[9] The Septuagint was viewed by the Christians of the time as though God inspired it.[10] It functioned as Scripture for the Greek-speaking Jews and was used by many Christians down to the time of Jesus and his apostles, as well up to the time of Jerome. In the Greek New Testament, most of the 320 direct quotations and the collective total of perhaps 890 quotations and references to the Hebrew Old Testament are from the Septuagint.

As Jerome delved deeper into the work of translating the Old Testament, he was again met with discrepancies as had been the case with the different Latin manuscripts, and now was evident between the different Greek manuscripts that he was using. One can only imagine the feelings of disappointment, exasperation, and weariness experienced by this man as he realized the work that would be involved in making textual decisions, as well as translating. In the end, Jerome simply decided that it would be more practical to scrap his plan of using the Greek manuscripts, and even the revered Septuagint, and use the Hebrew text as his basis for the translation.

It was here that Jerome found himself being falsely accused as a forger of the text, a man who was disrespectful of God, deserting the traditions of the church in favor of the Jews. Even the leading theologian of Jerome’s day, Augustine, begged him to abandon the Hebrew text and return to the use of the Septuagint as the basis for his Latin translation, saying: “If your translation begins to be more generally read in many churches, it will be a grievous thing that, in the reading of Scripture, differences must arise between the Latin Churches and the Greek Churches.”[11]

Augustine clearly worried that the church would become further divided. He feared that the Western churches would be using Jerome’s Latin text based on the Hebrew text, while the Eastern Greek churches would be using the Greek Septuagint. Moreover, Augustine was concerned about setting aside the Greek Septuagint for a translation that only Jerome would be able to defend.

DEFENDING OLD TESTAMENT AUTHORSHIP Agabus Cover BIBLICAL CRITICISM

What was Jerome’s reaction to all of these critics? He chose to stay true to himself; he simply ignored them. He stayed with the Hebrew text as the basis for his Latin translation of the Old Testament, and brought the whole Latin Bible to completion in 405 C.E. It would be labeled the Vulgate (from Latin vulgatus, meaning “common”) some years later.

The Old Testament portion of the Latin translation that Jerome produced was therefore not just a revision of the current Latin texts. It was the beginning of something far greater, a course change in the way the Bible was studied and translated. “The Vulgate,” said historian Will Durant, “remains as the greatest and most influential literary accomplishment of the fourth century.” (Durant 1950, 54)

Granted that Jerome possessed a critical manner of speaking and a combative temperament, he by himself nevertheless led Bible research back to the inspired Hebrew text. With a sharp eye, he pored over and compared ancient Hebrew and Greek manuscripts of the Bible that are no longer accessible to us today. Jerome’s monumental work was also accomplished before that of the Jewish Masoretes.[12] Therefore, the Vulgate is a treasured reference tool for comparing alternate renderings of Bible texts. Hence, it would seem that his and his fellow assistant’s petitions were heard:

Vulgate of Mark 1.1
Vulgate of Mark 1:1ff in an illuminated manuscript held at Autun

Therefore, I beseech you, Paula and Eustochium, to pour out your supplications for me to the Lord, that so long as I am in this poor body, I may write something pleasing to you, useful to the Church, worthy of posterity. As for my contemporaries, I am indifferent to their opinions, for they pass from side to side as they are moved by love or hatred.[13]

Jerome first embarked on a revision of the Old Latin version of the New Testament in comparison with the Greek text. He started with the Gospels, which were published in 383 C.E. After more than two decades of tremendous labor in translating God’s Word and putting out volumes of commentaries, not to mention taking on every theological battle in his time, Jerome, working alone, finally finished his translation in late 404 or 405 C.E.

AN ENCOURAGING THOUGHT_01

vga or A (Amiatinus), whole Bible; 7th/8th c.

Codex Amiatinus, designated by vga or A, is the earliest surviving manuscript of the whole Bible in the Latin Vulgate version. Many scholars view it as the best and most accurate manuscript of the vulgate. Codex Amiatinus is slightly over nineteen inches high, slightly over thirteen inches in breadth, seven inches thick, and it weighs over 75 pounds. “It was written by order of Goelfrid, abbot of Jarrow and Wearmouth and sent by him as a gift to Pope Gregory in 716.”[14]

Vgc or C (Cavensis), whole Bible; 9th c.

Codex Cavensis, designated by vgc or C, is housed at the abbey of La Trinità della Cava, near Cava de’ Tirreni. It contains 330 vellum folios which measure 12.6 by 10.2 inches. Codex Cavensis dates to the ninth century. It contains the whole Bible in the named scribe’s (Danila) hand, and textual variations and orthography suggest that the manuscript is a representative of the Spanish group of manuscripts. Metzger qualifies it as one of the “chief representatives.”

Codex Dublinensis
Codex Dublinensis Matthew 20:33-34

Vgd or Z (Dublinensis) Gospel of Matthew; 6th c.

Codex Dublinensis, designated by vgd Z, is a Greek uncial manuscript of the Gospels which dates to the sixth century. John Barrett discovered it in 1787 under some cursive writing, which he published in 1801, with errors. Codex Dublinensis is now located at the Trinity College Library in Dublin. It contains the bulk of the text of the Gospel of Matthew,[15] on 32 parchment leaves with numerous lacunae. It was penned with one column per page. The column is 21 lines, having 27 letters to each line.

BIBLE DIFFICULTIES

Vgf or F (Fuldensis) NT; 541-546

Codex Fuldensis, designated by vgf or F, is a New Testament manuscript based on the Latin Vulgate, made in the mid-sixth century. The codex is viewed as the second most important witness of the Vulgate manuscripts. It is also known as the Victor Codex and is currently housed at the Hessian State Library Landesbibliothek at Fulda, in Hesse, Germany. It contains the Diatessaron and 23 of the canonical books of the New Testament, plus the Epistle to the Laodiceans, as well as a copy of Jerome’s Prologue to the Canonical Gospels.[16] Codex Fuldensis plays an important role in regard to the authenticity of 1 Corinthians 14:34–35 coming after verse 33, as opposed to after verse 40, which was the case of several Western witnesses (D F G 88* itd, g Ambrosiaster Sedulius Scotus), as well as one Vulgate manuscript (Codex Reginensis), which also places 1 Cor. 14:34-35 after 1 Cor. 14:40. We will look at verse 33 as well below.[17]

1 Corinthians 14:33–35: 33 For God is not a God of confusion but of peace.

As in all the congregations of the holy ones, 34 let the women keep silent in the congregations, for it is not permitted for them to speak, but let them be in subjection, as the Law also says. 35 If they want to learn something, let them ask their husbands at home, for it is disgraceful for a woman to speak in the congregation.

WH and NU retain verses 34-35 after 14:33 and are supported by P46 א A B Ψ 0243 33 81 88mg 1739 Maj syr cop Origen Pelagius, which are found in all translations. The alternate variant places verses 34-35 after 14:40 D F G 88* itb Ambrosiaster, and is found in the footnotes of the NRSV, TNIV, NLT, and NET.

Both Codex Fuldensis and the uncial Vaticanus (B) of the early fourth century possess marginal readings that would lead one to believe their scribes were aware of the textual problem of 14:34-35. On this Comfort writes, “In Codex Vaticanus, there is a marginal umlaut by the line that contains the end of 14:33, which, in Payne’s view, indicates awareness of the textual problem regarding 14:34–35. As for Codex Fuldensis (produced in 546/547), it seems certain that Victor of Capua (the editor and reader of the manuscript) asked the original scribe to rewrite 14:36–40 in the margin. Payne argues that this rewrite was done so as to exclude 14:34–35. However, it must be said that there are no clear sigla in the manuscript which indicate such an omission. Finally, Payne conjectures that manuscript 88 must have originally been copied from an exemplar that did not contain 14:34–35 (see Payne 1998, 152–158). Niccum (1997, 242–255) presents a thorough case against Payne’s observations and concludes that there is no textual evidence for the omission of 14:34–35. Miller (2003, 217–236) also sees reasons for the presence of the umlaut in Codex B other than signaling inauthenticity.”[18] In addition, verses 14:34-35 are in P46 (ca. 150 C.E.) after verse 33, not verse 40.

The apostle Paul’s instruction to “keep silent” appears three times in 1 Corinthians chapter 14. Each time he is addressing a different group within the congregation. However, all three have the same reason behind the instruction, “let all things be done decently and in an orderly manner”– 1 Corinthians 14:40.

Did this instruction to “be silent” mean that a woman could never speak at a congregational meeting? No. In the first century, there were occasions when women were moved by Holy Spirit to pray or prophesy in the congregation. On these occasions, they demonstrated their position within God’s arrangement by wearing a head covering–1 Corinthians 11:5.

English Bible Versions King James Bible KING JAMES BIBLE II

vgm or M (Mediolanensis) Gospels; 6th c.

Codex Mediolanensis, designated by vgm or M: a Gospel vulgate manuscript that is now housed in the Ambrosian library at Milan, dating to the early sixth century. According to Wordsworth and White, Codex Mediolanensis is one of the best witnesses alongside Amiatinus and Fuldensis.[19]

Vgr or R (Reginensis) Paul; 8th c.

Codex Reginensis, designated by vgr or R: an eighth-century vulgate manuscript of the Paul’s epistles, which is now housed in the Vatican Library in Vatican City State, within the city of Rome.

Vgs or S (Sangallensis) Gospels; 5th c.

Codex Sangallensis 1395, designated by vgs or S, is the oldest Vulgate manuscript of the Gospels, dating to the fifth-century and penned on vellum in Verona, Italy. The codex contains the text of the four Gospels (Matthew 6:21 thru John 17:18), with numerous lacunae. It contains 320 parchment leaves which are 9.1 by 7.3 inches. It has some singular readings in the Gospel of Matthew (11:4; 14:2; 16:9.10; 17:26; 18:9; 26:45.47; 27:59; 28:1) and in Mark (4:7; 4:11; 6:33; 14:21).[20] Currently, it is housed at the Abbey library of Saint Gall (1395) in St. Gallen, Switzerland.[21]

THE CREATION DAYS OF GENESIS gift of prophecy

Vgg1 or G (Sangermanensis) NT; 9th c.

Codex Sangermanensis, designated by vgg1 or G: a Vulgate manuscript, dated 822 C.E.[22] The text is written on vellum. The manuscript contains 191 leaves which are 15.5 by 13 inches. In the New Testament, the Gospel of Matthew contains Old Latin readings. It also contains Shepherd of Hermas.[23]

Matthew 3:15-16: 15 But Jesus answering said to him, “Let it be so now, for thus it is fitting for us to fulfill all righteousness.” Then he allowed him. 16 After being baptized, Jesus came up immediately from the water; and behold, the heavens were opened up, and he saw the Spirit of God descending as if a dove coming upon him.[24]

In between verses 15 and 16, an Old Latin manuscript and a vulgate manuscript (ita, g1) add, et cum baptizaretur lumen ingens circumfulsit de aqua, ita ut timerent omnes qui advenerant[25] (“and when he was baptized a great light shone from the water so that all who were gathered were frightened”). F. F. Bruce notes that this interpolation is also present in Tatian’s Diatessaron.[26] While these kinds of interpolations are interesting, this was not in the original text of the Gospel of Matthew. There is no place in any of the Gospels that speak of any presence of a light when Jesus was baptized.

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[1] Rufinus of Aquileia, “The Apology of Rufinus”, trans. William Henry Fremantle In , in A Select Library of the Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church, Second Series, Volume III: Theodoret, Jerome, Gennadius, Rufinus: Historial Writings, Etc., ed. Philip Schaff and Henry Wace (New York: Christian Literature Company, 1892), 462-63.

[2] Jerome, “The Letters of St. Jerome”, Volume VI: St. Jerome: Letters and Select Works, ed. Philip Schaff and Henry Wace (New York: Christian Literature Company, 1893), 36.

[3] Jerome, “The Letters of St. Jerome”, Volume VI: St. Jerome: Letters and Select Works, ed. Philip Schaff and Henry Wace (New York: Christian Literature Company, 1893), 20.

[4] Bruce M. Metzger, The Text of the New Testament: Its Transmission, Corruption, and Restoration, Oxford University Press 2005, p. 105.

[5] Jerome, “The Letters of St. Jerome”, Volume VI: St. Jerome: Letters and Select Works, ed. Philip Schaff and Henry Wace (New York: Christian Literature Company, 1893), 43-44.

[6] John 3:2; Ibid, Volume VI, 176.

[7] Transliteration is the representation of letters and words written in the parent language (Hebrew in this case) using the corresponding letters of another.

[8] Jerome, “Prefaces to the Books of the Vulgate Version of the Old Testament”, Second Series, Volume VI: St. Jerome: Letters and Select Works, ed. Philip Schaff and Henry Wace (New York: Christian Literature Company, 1893), 493.

[9] A Greek translation of the Hebrew Bible made between 280 and 150 B.C.E. to meet the needs of Greek-speaking Jews outside Palestine. The Septuagint (Latin for “seventy”) contains some books not in the Hebrew canon. According to tradition (the Letter of Aristeas) 72 Jewish scholars of Alexandria, Egypt translated the Septuagint in 72 days. It is typically referenced by the Roman numerals for 70, “LXX.”

[10] We need to offer a word of caution here, that the Greek Septuagint was not inspired (no translation is). Moreover, there were a number of Greek translations made, and the text was neither carefully guarded nor unified. Thus there are considerable differences between the Greek and the (original) Hebrew Old Testaments.

[11] Augustine of Hippo, “Letters of St. Augustin”, trans. J. G. Cunningham In , in A Select Library of the Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church, First Series, Volume I: The Confessions and Letters of St. Augustin With a Sketch of His Life and Work, ed. Philip Schaff (Buffalo, NY: Christian Literature Company, 1886), 327.

[12] The Masoretes were early Jewish scholars. The Masoretic Text was the text revised and annotated by them between the 6th and 10th centuries C.E.

[13] Jerome, “Prefaces to the Books of the Vulgate Version of the Old Testament”, trans. W. H. Fremantle, G. Lewis and W. G. Martley In , in A Select Library of the Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church, Second Series, Volume VI: St. Jerome: Letters and Select Works, ed. Philip Schaff and Henry Wace (New York: Christian Literature Company, 1893), 493.

[14] Bruce M. Metzger, The Text of the New Testament (Oxford University Press 2005), p. 106.

[15] Matthew 1:17-2:6, 2:13-20, 4:4-13, 5:45-6:15, 7:16-8:6, 10:40-11:18, 12:43-13:11, 13:57-14:19, 15:13-23, 17:9-17, 17:26-18:6, 19:4-12, 21-28, 20:7-21:8, 21:23-30, 22:16-25, 22:37-23:3, 23:15-23, 24:15-25, 25:1-11, 26:21-29, 62-71.

[16] Bruce M. Metzger, The Early Versions of the New Testament (Oxford 1977), p. 335.

[17] Philip B. Payne, Fuldensis, Sigla for Variants in Vaticanus and 1 Cor 14.34-5, NTS 41 (1995) 251-262.

[18] Philip W. Comfort, NEW TESTAMENT TEXT AND TRANSLATION COMMENTARY (Tyndale House, Carole Stream 2008), p. 519.

[19] Bruce M. Metzger, The Text of the New Testament (Oxford University Press 2005), p. 108.

[20] C. H. Turner, The oldest manuscript of the Vulgate Gospels (Oxford 1931), pp. XXXI–XXXIV.

[21] Metzger, Bruce M. (1977). The Early Versions of the New Testament. London: Oxford University Press. p. 335.

[22] Robert L. Bensly, The Missing Fragment of the Latin Translation of the Fourth Book of Ezra (1875, Cambridge Univ. Press) page 5.

[23] Ibid., 298.

[24] 3:16 BBC: the Spirit of God descending as if a dove coming upon him. This visible descent upon Jesus was possibly similar to that of the fluttering descent of a dove as it about to land on a branch. (Lu 3:22; Matt. 3:16; Mark 1:10; John 1:32-34) It was the perfect symbol when we consider its characteristics of gentleness, faithfulness to its mate, and its innocence.

[25] Eberhard Nestle and Erwin Nestle, Nestle-Aland: NTG Apparatus Criticus, ed. Barbara Aland et al., 28. revidierte Auflage. (Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 2012), 6.

[26] F. F. Bruce, The Canon of Scripture (Downers Grove, IL: Inter-Varsity Press, 1988), 127–128.

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